Regional New England Rail (Amtrak & State DOT & NEC)

The opening of the new Amtrak station in Brattleboro this coming Wednesday will be celebrated with activities and the arrival of the first train. The station at 21 Vernon St. will be the first in Vermont to have a level-boarding train platform, so passengers won’t need to use steps to get on or off the train.
In addition to making the train platform accessible for people with disabilities, the new station has accessible indoor and outdoor waiting areas. The project broke ground in June 2024.
 

Alon Levy apparently not a fan of walking and chewing gum at the same time, pans most New England rail service expansion ideas like Nashua/Manchester and RIDOT Intrastate as unnecessary and our only priorities should be making existing MBTA Commuter/Regional Rail and Amtrak HSR faster.
 

Alon Levy apparently not a fan of walking and chewing gum at the same time, pans most New England rail service expansion ideas like Nashua/Manchester and RIDOT Intrastate as unnecessary and our only priorities should be making existing MBTA Commuter/Regional Rail and Amtrak HSR faster.
I agree with Alon's calls for grade-separating Shell Interlocking in New Rochelle; that should definitely be a high-priority project. But I don't agree with the assertion that NH Commuter Rail isn't worth pursuing in the near term.
 
I agree with Alon's calls for grade-separating Shell Interlocking in New Rochelle; that should definitely be a high-priority project. But I don't agree with the assertion that NH Commuter Rail isn't worth pursuing in the near term.
Levy seems to deeply believe that mode share won't be driven until the rail mode totally defeats!/subjugates!/humiliates! the car mode on travel time all hours of the day, instead of there being a real-world demonstrated mode shift when it's competitive during pressure-point times of day that only gets greater the more competitive it is to driving the more hours of the day. This leads into a one-minded obsession with raw speed that spirals into totally inappropriate (and NOT world-practice) things like plying intercity-class EMU's and extremely high-speed track onto local commuter runs for the sole purpose of running down the clock. And it dovetails with this intense personal belief that 9-5 commuters are somehow a lesser animal because they don't use transit the other 16 hours of the day...instead of simply being a thing that happens to exist in large numbers who you want to attract any way you can. Pay no attention to what locals actually want...superior omnipotent master planning God is going to dictate to the peons what they truly deserve: which is to feel bad because they are bad. And pay no attention to the fact that they can't even get their basic facts straight (Mishawum no longer exists; it is not 'the' 128 station, Alon) about the local example while in the process of shaming the locals. :rolleyes:

The Lowell Line isn't slow today despite all its ops inefficiencies. It handily beats the car at pressure-point times of day today. Which is why its ridership is relatively high amongst CR lines despite a real paucity of stops. Extension to Nashua and Manchester offer similarly competitive schedules, which is why they--every time they've been studied--project out to such high ridership. Should we be targeting riders around-the-clock with better ops and scheduling practices? Absolutely! Are we bad people who should feel bad for also targeting a high quantity of 9-5'ers on a very cost-effective project? Absolutely not! Both things can be true at once!

As for the others...
  • I sort of agree that extending the Downeaster to Rockland is out-of-scope for what the DE intends to do. Its great success is getting people INTO Maine and OUT of Maine to Boston. As the Brunswick extension's ridership underperformance indicates, it's not-so-great in its current state at attracting people to travel WITHIN Maine. So there's lots of work to be done first making it have a better mode share Boston-Portland. Get a couple more round-trips on the board to spread the clockface out, attract more super-commuters, make planning trips vs. schedule a little more academic. Address Western Route capacity issues so padding can get stripped out and it gets a little faster and a lot more reliable (there's not much you can do about raw speed). Fix the Portland station location. Get a lot more useful bus connecting transit set up to route-prime the within-Maine trips. Then and only then--when the mode share is higher--would it make sense to entertain extensions. And even then, I think you're targeting Augusta-Waterville-Bangor in stages and not a boutique vacationer job to Rockland. MEDOT is simply obsessed with studying, studying, studying underutilized rail corridors trying to find something under a rock. There probably isn't a solid usage case for the Rockland Branch except for a low-rent tourist shuttle. A low-rent tourist shuttle would probably work pretty well, however, if the DE were improved in leaps and bounds to Brunswick by tending to its main mission statement.

  • Shore Line East in its current state is a hot mess. It has half-assed state commitment, with threatened or actual service cuts always hanging over its head and being a great discouragement to ridership (though the riders it does have have proven very loyal over 36 years). It's an administrative quagmire, being squeezed on both ends by purile interagency turf-warrage with ConnDOT-Amtrak infighting to the east and ConnDOT-MTA infighting to the west. And it doesn't have a defined mission statement because its schedules and ops are always being threatened by someone. If it were allowed to grow into a "whole Shoreline" service Stamford-New London instead of this weird New Haven-Old Saybrook dinky that very occasionally and inconsistently pokes east and west, it would probably gain a lot more traction. Because I-95 in CT is a downright unpleasant drive, even at times when it's moving alright. Woefully substandard highway design, high crash rate, shitload of trucks and buses to dodge, high percentage of out-of-state drivers who don't know the road well and behave erratically. It's a higher-anxiety drive than most regional highways. People do need to get places amongst the CT shore line in low-anxiety fashion. It's not all about thru-to-New York or thru-to-Providence/Boston and slaying (as per ^above^ criticism of Levy's attitude) the road...just managing anxiety. If there ever was a deep long-term commitment to stabilize SLE's service and backfill it across its whole spread, it would be very popular...because SLE riders since 1990 have already lapped up whatever crumbs the state has occasionally thrown their way for service increases (even when those increases have been jerked back). It's never going to be full-on Regional Rail because the NEC Shoreline just doesn't have enough slots to give, but it can be very good as a *consistent* hourly Stamford-New London run that pulses up NHV-OSB where short-turn slots are available. And that absolutely means doing up infills like Niantic and doing up the Mystic+Westerly extension (you need Westerly anyway for the layover yard a halfway-decent schedule would demand). Just because its ceiling is much lower than textbook-perfect S-bahn doesn't mean it's unworthy or that the people wanting something a little less aggravating than I-95 are rubes. Just package the extension with a general affirming of SLE's basic mission statement and the locals will flock to it.

  • MBTA service extension to Westerly does not mean "Providence Line go super-extended to Westerly". It's not a Boston commuting market. It's what RIDOT studied it out to be...at pretty good projected ridership...eons ago: Rhode Island Intrastate Commuter Rail. An alternative to the still-very-high-anxiety I-95 cross-state drive, more effective at high pressure-point commuting times than an all-day Regional Rail thing (though that's still something to aspire to). The state's current and most recent governors have been complete shitheads at starving this buildout for investment, with the anemic Wickford starter schedule now in its 14th year of barely-usefulness. Of course it's struggling! Literally every follow-on investment has been stillborn: the FRIP track speed upgrades, the extra station platforms for a little bit of bi-directional flexibility, the infill stations, the layover yard expansion so actual intrastate service has an equipment base to kick off its existence. It's all AWOL! That doesn't mean Rhode Islanders don't deserve something better than nothing, and shouldn't have the ability to self-determine having something better than nothing. RIDOT Intrastate remains a good investment on-spec.

  • I mostly agree that New London-Norwich doesn't have much of a shot. It's not a driving-competitive corridor because 395 is the emptiest interstate in Southern New England, it's definitely not an anxiety-inducing drive, and the casinos are just not a big enough ridership driver by their lonesome. The Central Corridor line only hits Mohegan Sun, not Foxwoods, so it's not going to take much of a bite out of the *very* robust casino bus market with only the smaller of the two casinos being potentially served. And it hasn't got much to connect to with SLE's mission statement ^as above^ being all kinds of fucked and Amtrak intercity traffic not being all-in on New London schedules (something Levy's own work wants to make less so with faster-faster-faster timetable optimizations). Projected to the whole New London-Palmer-Amherst Central Corridor studies, I would agree that you definitely need stiff intercity service levels at all the major intersecting mainlines--NEC, B&A, Conn River--to give the Central Corridor and its intermediates any type of pulse. And none of the studies thus far are really looking into that.
 
Largely absent from that post — as with many of Alon’s others, honestly — is a meaningful reflection on whether political realities, which are shaped by people who are not always going to make the same decisions that your ridership model or cost-screening tool tells you they should be expected to make, will render the Optimized Recommendation moot in practice.

The post concludes that New England’s rail priorities should be high-speed rail and basically regional rail transformation of the existing commuter rail systems. In a perfect world, yes, those would be the most transformative and generate the most ridership. But HSR ran into a buzzsaw in 2017 when a rather numerically-small, but highly-motivated, pocket of NIMBYs raised hell over it and got their elected officials to back them in opposition. That situation made the topic of HSR untouchable for a decade. And when it comes to electrification of the commuter rail system — one of the core planks of TransitMatters’ concept for Regional Rail transformation — the T is *less* supportive today than it was 5 years ago! So for all TM’s knowledge of best practices and capacity to put together compelling reports with very high-quality visuals to match the research, it apparently doesn’t have enough sway over the ultimate decision-makers to prevent the T from backsliding on such a fundamental aspect of what they’ve ostensibly built up all this organizational infrastructure to be able to push for.

I think this quote from near the end of the post both encapsulates Alon’s perspective here, and shows the point where you see the disinterest in engaging with the political dimension imposes a ceiling on the argument’s real-world usefulness:

“To the person who’d ride the train even if driving were faster, the most important priorities are where train service does not exist, such as across the gap between New London and Wickford Junction. But to the civil servant deciding how to prioritize infrastructure money, it’s more important to invest in trains that can get more riders than just the railfans.”

Of all people, Alon knows civil servants are not steering the ship at that level of decision-making in the United States. Once you clear the basic hurdle of whether a project is worth doing sooner or later, political will plays a much more meaningful role in determining what actually gets prioritized and when it happens.

We didn’t get SCR before a project like the Red-Blue Connector because it was cheaper to build, served more riders, or even was just proposed earlier in time. We didn’t even get the optimal routing of SCR! What we got was, basically, a Promise Kept™️. The “railfans” of the South Coast were promised 35 years ago by Gov. Weld that the state would give them commuter rail, and they maintained the expectation over all these years that the promise would eventually be kept. Politicians knew the expectation was out there and that it was a good thing to pay lip service to if they wanted South Coast votes. More importantly, they understood that a high-visibility, big-dollar project like SCR has a political/symbolic value that goes beyond the intrinsic transit value. Even though the number of “railfans” projected to regularly ride SCR may only have amounted to a small mode share (of the degree Alon says isn’t worth focusing on), politicians calculated that a far larger number of voters in the South Coast region probably held “irrational” views that ridership models don’t account for — such as supporting the idea of having an alternative to driving, even if they probably won’t take advantage of that alternative very often — and combined, it meant the constituency for SCR was large enough to warrant pandering and prioritization. That’s how a worthwhile project like SCR can leapfrog a “more deserving” project like Red-Blue Connector.

Compare that situation to the opposite case, with examples like the Reading turnback track and the Blue Hill Ave busway — projects that would add tons of value as transit improvements and seem like great things to prioritize, but which locals have strongly opposed for largely irrational reasons. Most people, politicians and civil servants included, don’t like spinning their wheels and fighting uphill in the face of an “unappreciative” public. You rarely see agencies dig in and fight public opposition unless the project in question is really urgently needed.

We do a lot of things wrong, or at least sub-optimally, in this country when it comes to transit, but if you don’t have the patience to understand/accept/navigate the political context in all its messy and irrational glory, you only have so much room to complain and condemn when seemingly “unworthy” projects cut yours in line.
 
SCR happened because Fall River Slumlords realized they could use it to justify jacking up rents.
 
Largely absent from that post — as with many of Alon’s others, honestly — is a meaningful reflection on whether political realities, which are shaped by people who are not always going to make the same decisions that your ridership model or cost-screening tool tells you they should be expected to make, will render the Optimized Recommendation moot in practice.

[...]

Of all people, Alon knows civil servants are not steering the ship at that level of decision-making in the United States. Once you clear the basic hurdle of whether a project is worth doing sooner or later, political will plays a much more meaningful role in determining what actually gets prioritized and when it happens.

[...]

We do a lot of things wrong, or at least sub-optimally, in this country when it comes to transit, but if you don’t have the patience to understand/accept/navigate the political context in all its messy and irrational glory, you only have so much room to complain and condemn when seemingly “unworthy” projects cut yours in line.
If you view Levy's blog as intended for transit advocates and railfans, instead of politicians, I think these arguments make a lot more sense. While I agree Alon Levy can often be too single-minded, what he describes is much closer to how infrastructure investment decisions should be made. Cost-benefit analyses performed by civil servants should probably the single most important factor in determining what gets funded. However, generations of state DOTs failing to do so accurately has eroded trust in them. The current reality of state politicians ensuring their district gets some slice of the pie leads to terrible outcomes, like the mandatory Western Mass rail car manufacturing facility as part of the new RL/OL car contract. This is not good transit planning.

This kind of thinking also leads to prioritizing coverage over improving quality, which appears to be Alon's main gripe. It leads to projects that are just good enough to check the "you have transit now" box, like SCR Phase 1 and the gradual degradation of East-West Rail. While both of those projects are better than doing nothing, they are not free. Both of them could be significantly more impactful with reasonable margincal cost, and both take money away from much more impactful projects. For SCR Phase 1 in particular, the Commuter Rail was given an unfunded mandate to run more service, which just exacerbates the T's current budget shortage. Frankly, despite all the good SCR has done, the MBTA system as a whole is almost certainly worse off for the additional costs and stresses it puts on the system.

When transit advocates push for these projects and the results are lackluster, the result is a loss of credibility and future politicians being less likely to invest in transit. There are so many potentially cost-effective improvements to be made at all levels of mass transit (new & enforced bus lanes, Blue & Red line expansions, high-level CR stations, Providence Line electrification, fast & frequent Boston-Springfield rail, fixing Connecticut NEC slow zones, etc.) that advocacy organizations can support today. Standing behind bad projects, even tacitly, helps maintain the dysfunctional status quo. The response we saw to the OL expanion on BHA "proposal" was appropriate for poorly thought out projects, and similar reactions to the Fairmount BEMU plans and Newton 400-foot CR platform are reasonable. It's ok for advocacy groups to put more weight behind politically popular projects instead of more "deserving" ones, but that cannot become providing politicians cover for ultimately bad projects.
 
If you view Levy's blog as intended for transit advocates and railfans, instead of politicians, I think these arguments make a lot more sense. While I agree Alon Levy can often be too single-minded, what he describes is much closer to how infrastructure investment decisions should be made. Cost-benefit analyses performed by civil servants should probably the single most important factor in determining what gets funded. However, generations of state DOTs failing to do so accurately has eroded trust in them. The current reality of state politicians ensuring their district gets some slice of the pie leads to terrible outcomes, like the mandatory Western Mass rail car manufacturing facility as part of the new RL/OL car contract. This is not good transit planning.

This kind of thinking also leads to prioritizing coverage over improving quality, which appears to be Alon's main gripe. It leads to projects that are just good enough to check the "you have transit now" box, like SCR Phase 1 and the gradual degradation of East-West Rail. While both of those projects are better than doing nothing, they are not free. Both of them could be significantly more impactful with reasonable margincal cost, and both take money away from much more impactful projects. For SCR Phase 1 in particular, the Commuter Rail was given an unfunded mandate to run more service, which just exacerbates the T's current budget shortage. Frankly, despite all the good SCR has done, the MBTA system as a whole is almost certainly worse off for the additional costs and stresses it puts on the system.

When transit advocates push for these projects and the results are lackluster, the result is a loss of credibility and future politicians being less likely to invest in transit. There are so many potentially cost-effective improvements to be made at all levels of mass transit (new & enforced bus lanes, Blue & Red line expansions, high-level CR stations, Providence Line electrification, fast & frequent Boston-Springfield rail, fixing Connecticut NEC slow zones, etc.) that advocacy organizations can support today. Standing behind bad projects, even tacitly, helps maintain the dysfunctional status quo. The response we saw to the OL expanion on BHA "proposal" was appropriate for poorly thought out projects, and similar reactions to the Fairmount BEMU plans and Newton 400-foot CR platform are reasonable. It's ok for advocacy groups to put more weight behind politically popular projects instead of more "deserving" ones, but that cannot become providing politicians cover for ultimately bad projects.
To be clear, I don’t mean to hold up SCR as a case of the ends justifying the means. The compromises made with that particular project do adversely impact other parts of the system. And you’re right that in a context where politicians have more sway than civil servants over which projects get prioritized, you’re always at risk of bad projects getting in, going sideways, and then making the path forward for good projects more complicated.

As someone who is familiar with and supportive of (to varying degrees) each of the proposals listed in that post, I don’t share Alon’s perspective that these are intrinsically bad projects with easily-foreseeable, un-mitigatable ramifications like routing SCR via Middleborough. Maybe the closest example in the blog post is Alon's concern that Rhode Island Intrastate Rail would complicate timetabling for (more important, in his view) faster intercity trains. But I’ve read past studies where Rhode Island explored segregating Intrastate Rail service to the FRIP Track to stay off the truly high-speed portion of the NEC for exactly this reason, and using the NEC south of Kingston where the line starts getting curvier and the speed differential between intercity and commuter rail is not nearly as consequential for timetabling as it is in 150mph territory. If that workaround is viable, the project may not be “bad” after all, but instead just “not a priority.”

There’s a difference between a low-priority project you wouldn’t recommend new advocates invest time into, and a bad project you recommend existing advocates stop working on. We need to recognize for many people – and this is exacerbated by the larger geographic scope we’re talking about here – enthusiasm is not fully “fungible” from one project to another. You are going to be very hard-pressed to swoop into Rockland, ME or Norwich, CT and convince the local rail supporters that not only should they accept that their local projects are not worth doing, but also to work just as hard on your project, whose benefits are mainly going to accrue to other people one or two states away, as they were for the one that was local to them. So you can view the competition for advocacy resources as a zero-sum game if you want, but I don't think it works that way in practice. Eng isn’t going to pull a 180 and embrace traditional electrification because the rail advocates in New Hampshire were convinced to stop asking for Capitol Corridor service.

I agree that HSR and Regional Rail Transformation need/deserve more advocacy energy behind them by virtue of their outsized impacts, but why worry about whether any of these low-priority projects are going to compete for resources with (or otherwise hamper) The Projects That Really Matter when, in the case of the T's stance toward actual Regional Rail Transformation, you’re actively losing ground even compared to the limited level of institutional buy-in you had just a few years ago? Those projects probably do deserve the most advocacy resources, but if you can't figure out how to mobilize all those resources to at least stop the bleeding, let alone make forward progress, you're going to have a hard time keeping people from wandering off and looking for smaller, lower-priority projects they might be able to make happen somehow.
 
As someone who is familiar with and supportive of (to varying degrees) each of the proposals listed in that post, I don’t share Alon’s perspective that these are intrinsically bad projects with easily-foreseeable, un-mitigatable ramifications like routing SCR via Middleborough. Maybe the closest example in the blog post is Alon's concern that Rhode Island Intrastate Rail would complicate timetabling for (more important, in his view) faster intercity trains. But I’ve read past studies where Rhode Island explored segregating Intrastate Rail service to the FRIP Track to stay off the truly high-speed portion of the NEC for exactly this reason, and using the NEC south of Kingston where the line starts getting curvier and the speed differential between intercity and commuter rail is not nearly as consequential for timetabling as it is in 150mph territory. If that workaround is viable, the project may not be “bad” after all, but instead just “not a priority.”
This is indeed settled business. RIDOT's studies--and the track expansion therein--were vetted by Amtrak and baked into the 2010 NEC Infrastructure Improvements Master Plan. There were no 2040 impacts to high-speed traffic with the Intrastate buildout, and that was at-the-time predicated on the same slovenly push-pull ops as today...nevermind a possible EMU future. That's not good enough for Levy because they are demanding above-and-beyonds like superduperduper HSR and commuter service that acts like HSR-lite. Amtrak's word when they say it's OK on their property is not enough, because Amtrak is inherently a bad actor. Only Omnipotent Master Planning Dictator can deem a project truly worthy.

There’s a difference between a low-priority project you wouldn’t recommend new advocates invest time into, and a bad project you recommend existing advocates stop working on. We need to recognize for many people – and this is exacerbated by the larger geographic scope we’re talking about here – enthusiasm is not fully “fungible” from one project to another. You are going to be very hard-pressed to swoop into Rockland, ME or Norwich, CT and convince the local rail supporters that not only should they accept that their local projects are not worth doing, but also to work just as hard on your project, whose benefits are mainly going to accrue to other people one or two states away, as they were for the one that was local to them. So you can view the competition for advocacy resources as a zero-sum game if you want, but I don't think it works that way in practice. Eng isn’t going to pull a 180 and embrace traditional electrification because the rail advocates in New Hampshire were convinced to stop asking for Capitol Corridor service.
Ah, but Omnipotent Master Planning Dictator aims to do exactly that: crush the will of the people by shaming them into backing the right projects! And if they don't agree? They're bad people who should feel bad.

At the end of the day, Levy is an authoritarian. That's the be-all/end-all of takes like this, and many other takes they've had over the years. There's never going to be any self-reflection about coalition-building, because at the end of the day they believe there's no need for coalitions. You either back what you're told to back by Omnipotent Master Planning Dictator, or you're bad. Now...the fact that almost nowhere in the world is this how things actually work is never a matter. People can always be shamed by the right cherry-picked comparison. The shame is the point of it all. That attitude permates a 15-year blogging body-of-work.
I agree that HSR and Regional Rail Transformation need/deserve more advocacy energy behind them by virtue of their outsized impacts, but why worry about whether any of these low-priority projects are going to compete for resources with (or otherwise hamper) The Projects That Really Matter when, in the case of the T's stance toward actual Regional Rail Transformation, you’re actively losing ground even compared to the limited level of institutional buy-in you had just a few years ago? Those projects probably do deserve the most advocacy resources, but if you can't figure out how to mobilize all those resources to at least stop the bleeding, let alone make forward progress, you're going to have a hard time keeping people from wandering off and looking for smaller, lower-priority projects they might be able to make happen somehow.
The T is backing the service end of Regional Rail'ification. They've got funding items for all these turnback tracks to uncork :30 frequencies inside-128, and they're made strides towards making their existing equipment pool compatible with that by over-buying cab cars and under-retiring locomotives. And those are prudent moves for a starting clockface schedule, because that was always implementable before electrification. It's only when you get to the decarbonization aspect and the need to have faster-accelerating rolling stock before absorbing any new infills do things start coming unglued and it's complete self-destructive stupidtown with all manner of the agency's decisions. But the advocacy absolutely worked on them. Regional Rail is now part of the agency's DNA whereas Baker's people a decade ago couldn't bury it or discredit it fast enough. The job certainly isn't over as far as steering it all goes given the recent electrification missteps, but we are no doubt in a MUCH different place today because of the Regional Rail advocates. And the advocates in general who raised a stink about the Baker-era disinvestment in transit and got immediate results with the state-of-repair blitz and overall increased T funding. That's not enough for Levy. They took issue on the Bluesky thread accompanying the blog piece with somebody's assertion that the T has gotten better under Eng by saying the crumbs of off-peak slot backfill were the singular result of TransitMatters (read: Alon) "yelling" at them, and that everything else is pure shit. We're not doing to the letter what Omnipotent Master Planning Dictator (who is against state-of-good-repair as an initiative...it should just "be", not be a program unto itself) says we should be doing, therefore it's all shit. And *we're* shit for putting up with it and not overthrowing our leaders. No "trundling in the general direction towards better efficiency" baby-steps and learning-on-the-fly is good enough. We haven't accomplished the full list of dictates, so we haven't accomplished any of them.

It's pure authoritarian-speak.

Not to slag-off too hard on Levy. If you can read them without learning something valuable in the process, you probably aren't reading them right. I almost always learn something that can help sharpen advocacy. But the attitude behind it just is what it is. And it's been that way without fail for 15 years now. They're not going to change. You just have to pick and choose what's useful, set aside what isn't useful vs. real-world political and societal realities, and make your own decisions from there. They're good for a critical-thinking exercise, not so much for action-planning within a dynamic coalition.
 

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