Chinatown - Progress or Gentrification?

John,

I am posting a link to your Boston Magazine piece: http://www.bostonmagazine.com/real-estate/blog/2014/05/12/boston-chinatown-changes/



Quick question on the quote above. Do you have any recent examples of this? The only ones that came to mind were Avana Lofts and the condemned building on Harrison Ave near Essex St. I believe the Avana building was commercial prior to being flipped but I could be mistaken. The proposal to turn the condemned building into micro-units/lofts has not seemed to progress.

Next Stop -- this is happening very rapidly in the old row houses in "Residential Chinatown", the old South Cove neighborhood. In the last 6 months the tenants have been evicted by new owners looking to renovate/flip at 33 Oak Street, 213 Harrison, 2 Johnny Court, to name a few (I know there are more). The Chinese Progressive Association keep tabs on this (they try to help the tenants).
 
Looking at this area with google earth (which is couple of years behind) it's pretty amazing to see how many parking lots have been redeveloped and pretty much all of them into housing. There's a couple of good sized ones remaining though....
 
I'm afraid that one of my friends has contributed to the gentrification of Chinatown-he lives in one of the town houses on Hudson Street, across from parcel 24.
 
I have no information on any properties being turned into condos; I, like others, simply took the CPA's word for it.

I put it into my column to pander.
 
I'm afraid that one of my friends has contributed to the gentrification of Chinatown-he lives in one of the town houses on Hudson Street, across from parcel 24.

Neighborhoods evolve. The current occupants, the poor ethnic Chinese, have no more of a right to consider it their own than the Anglos who preceded them..
 
Neighborhoods evolve. The current occupants, the poor ethnic Chinese, have no more of a right to consider it their own than the Anglos who preceded them..

Actually you have to go really far back to get to Anglos. The immediate predecessors were Syrians and Lebanese. In the 1930's and 40's the majority of the students at the old Josiah Quincy School were Syrian in heritage.
 
What's up with the (highly loaded) title of this thread? "Progress or Gentrification"?

"Gentrification" - which in any country without a boomlet of people obsessed with how much money others make - means "getting wealthier." Also known as "economic development." Isn't economic development typically seen as progress? Why is it progress when Chad or Taiwan or Poland gets wealthier ... but when a US neighborhood does it's somehow "regressive"?

Isn't Southie also getting wealthier with new development? Don't people (outside of Southie old-timers) typically like that? Why isn't the Southie thread titled, "Southie: Progress or Gentrification"? (And no, I don't think it, or this, or anything should be given such a title...)
 
What's up with the (highly loaded) title of this thread? "Progress or Gentrification"?

"Gentrification" - which in any country without a boomlet of people obsessed with how much money others make - means "getting wealthier." Also known as "economic development." Isn't economic development typically seen as progress? Why is it progress when Chad or Taiwan or Poland gets wealthier ... but when a US neighborhood does it's somehow "regressive"?

Isn't Southie also getting wealthier with new development? Don't people (outside of Southie old-timers) typically like that? Why isn't the Southie thread titled, "Southie: Progress or Gentrification"? (And no, I don't think it, or this, or anything should be given such a title...)

This thread was created from posts being moved from other threads - posts arguing that Chinatown was progressing and posts arguing that Chinatown was gentrifying. My guess is whatever mod made it just titled as such because the discussion was about if Chinatown was progressing or gentrifying. It's simply a rhetorical question highlighting the discussion going on within.
 
"Gentrification" - which in any country without a boomlet of people obsessed with how much money others make - means "getting wealthier." Also known as "economic development." Isn't economic development typically seen as progress? Why is it progress when Chad or Taiwan or Poland gets wealthier ... but when a US neighborhood does it's somehow "regressive"?
Sorry, what? Are you arguing that other countries don't complain about gentrification, or that Americans only complain about gentrification when they're looking outwards? I'd back you on the second, but the first is sort of a strange thought without some evidence to back it up. Just off the top of my head, I'd throw Brazilians out there as a counter argument. They're rioting in the streets over displacement. Or is Brazil in the group of countries "obsessed with what others make?" Whatever that means.
 
That's why I don't like using the word "gentrification"; it's become a loaded buzzword that can mean many different things to different people.

In my opinion, economic development is a good thing, neighborhood improvement is a good thing. The bad part is when people are displaced, and in particular, when it's the poor being displaced by the rich in such a way that it causes further harm. For example, with the upcoming GLX, the worry is that lower income families may be unable to afford the cost-of-living increase that comes with proximity to good rapid transit, and therefore, the neighborhood improvement winds up being a negative because they are pushed out and away from the improvement that was ostensibly intended to help them.

I believe that the proper way to handle situations like this, in general, is to increase density of housing units in the locations where land becomes more valuable. In addition, to smooth out the sharp edges of the market, a solid dose of affordable housing policy is needed. I prefer mixed-income measures such as inclusionary zoning, in order to preserve economic diversity, a characteristic that has many positive side-effects.

I realize that this is a market intervention, but, if our goal is to expand the city, to create new "urban" areas, then we have to think beyond just the raw numbers of increasing the number of housing units. A city is a place where people live and people form relationships with each other that are critical towards maintaining the proper order, functioning and characteristics of a "good urban neighborhood" that we all, I believe, want to see. Displacement destroys relationships. So, a goal of housing policy, then, would be to avoid breaking too many relationships at the same time, and to slow down that process to a manageable level so that new relationships can replace the old ones naturally.

Ok, I've gone on long enough.
 
Actually you have to go really far back to get to Anglos. The immediate predecessors were Syrians and Lebanese. In the 1930's and 40's the majority of the students at the old Josiah Quincy School were Syrian in heritage.

My point exactly. Neighborhoods evolve. All the more reason to put silly notions like 'Chinatown' and 'Irish Southie' behind us.

In my opinion, economic development is a good thing, neighborhood improvement is a good thing. The bad part is when people are displaced, and in particular, when it's the poor being displaced by the rich in such a way that it causes further harm. For example, with the upcoming GLX, the worry is that lower income families may be unable to afford the cost-of-living increase that comes with proximity to good rapid transit, and therefore, the neighborhood improvement winds up being a negative because they are pushed out and away from the improvement that was ostensibly intended to help them.

It always amuses me when you get going on "the rich." To the uninitiated, one would think the Rockefellers, the du Ponts and Bernie Madoff are buying up $15m penthouses and the locals are moving into refrigerator boxes(if they're lucky enough to find one).

Speaking in terms of income and/or assets, what do you consider rich in Boston?

I believe that the proper way to handle situations like this, in general, is to increase density of housing units in the locations where land becomes more valuable. In addition, to smooth out the sharp edges of the market, a solid dose of affordable housing policy is needed. I prefer mixed-income measures such as inclusionary zoning, in order to preserve economic diversity, a characteristic that has many positive side-effects.

Along with world peace, a cure for cancer and fairies and unicorns. In all seriousness, how does one incentivize developers who have a hard enough time following through on proposals that are 90+% market rate to buy into your inclusionary zoning idea? As you might not realize never having done anything in your life besides produce uninformed pseudo-intellectual malarkey is that Boston is a very expensive city in which to conduct business, and in particular to develop real estate. Why would a developer want to roll the dice when the cards are stacked even more heavily against them?
 
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Um, kmp, you might want to crack open a paper every once in a while. Inclusionary zoning is quite a widespread and widely implemented idea. Including in the city of Boston.
 
Probably one of the few things I agree with kmp on is that neighborhoods do evolve. The ethnic dominance in every area of Boston metro has changed multiple times in the last 300 years. I'm sure there was always an amount of howling during the transitions, but I do wonder how much the modern (post-1960s) "gimmickization" of ethnic neighborhoods has contributed to both the gentrification and the moaning about the loss of the neighborhood's character. How many Italians still live in the North End really? But it's still Boston's "Little Italy." The Theme-Park-ication of certain ethnic neighborhoods seems to simultaneously fundamentally change the makeup of the neighborhood and contribute to the mass nostalgia for the old days.
 
This conversation is another on the long list of reoccurring Archboston.com debates, so without rehashing a much larger discussion, there's a fine line between gentrification that economically boosts everyone and gentrification that economically benefits a few while displacing and ghetto-izing others in fare flung economically disadvantaged areas. Prime example of why the later is bad was the rioting in suburban Paris and London ghettos a few years ago. And before the John Galt ubermensch "producers" write off rioting, rioting doesn't exactly create the stable business environment your investments need to make a return. Not to mention that your man servant probably isn't going to be able to make it to work if his neighborhood's burning down. You might be forced to dress yourself that day. Is that really a horror you want to deal with?
 
Um, kmp, you might want to crack open a paper every once in a while. Inclusionary zoning is quite a widespread and widely implemented idea. Including in the city of Boston.

I read about three to four a day - of course I rarely bother with the shitty local Boston papers(life's much too short for that). I'm familiar with the concept of affordable housing set-asides but inclusionary zoning is one of those rarely-used phrases hear only from proponents of unpopular or unattractive concepts to put a positive spin on them(much like referring to a garbage man as a sanitation engineer). I suspect though if it was up to you, the set-aside would be far greater than 10% and the income qualifications even lower.

Anyways, what's your definition of rich? Since rich vs. poor class warfare defines almost your entire existence it seems, it would be helpful if you could define the terms on which you base every argument.
 
I read about three to four a day - of course I rarely bother with the shitty local Boston papers(life's much too short for that). I'm familiar with the concept of affordable housing set-asides but inclusionary zoning is one of those rarely-used phrases hear only from proponents of unpopular or unattractive concepts to put a positive spin on them(much like referring to a garbage man as a sanitation engineer). I suspect though if it was up to you, the set-aside would be far greater than 10% and the income qualifications even lower.

Anyways, what's your definition of rich? Since rich vs. poor class warfare defines almost your entire existence it seems, it would be helpful if you could define the terms on which you base every argument.

The admittedly awkward term, "inclusionary zoning," is the general term for referring to policies that seek to counter the "exclusionary" effect of typical zoning laws. Now, "affordable housing set-aside percentages" (typically ~15% in Boston) are one way to achieve that. I try to keep an open mind about all possible ways to keep city neighborhoods vibrant, lively and diverse.

I feel that "inclusionary zoning"-style policies are a "least-worst" solution to a messy problem that does not have any neat answers. The alternative is much worse, I think you'd agree: segregated 1950s-style public housing projects create more problems than they're worth.

You seem determined to read some kind of "class warfare" into my words that is not actually present. I would appreciate it if you stopped putting words in my mouth.

If a city is going to function as a city, then it has to be a city for everyone: not just the rich, not just the poor, not only those determined by central planners to be "the right kind" either. Too much of 20th century planning has acted to drive out diversity of all kinds, deadening entire sections of the city, enacting zoning policies designed for the suburbs in an urban context where they don't make sense at all.

It doesn't matter what my definitions of "rich" or "poor" are because I am not the arbiter of such and nobody should be. If you actually read my writing, instead of blindly lashing out at "them damn libruls," then you'd know that I am largely an opponent of overly determined planning and zoning. That's why I write in favor of "inclusionary zoning:" because it acts to solve a very specific, very real problem, and it is the least intrusive mechanism of which I know.
 
Not sure if this is the correct thread, but we have some real action at the 10 Oxford site. Fences are up and site prep has begun.
 
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Tufts Daily posted a two-part series about Tufts Medical Center, Chinatown, and gentrification. I found it to be an interesting read.

Part 1:

Boston Chinatown’s gentrification linked historically to Tufts Medical Center’s expansion

This is part one of a two-part series on gentrification in Boston’s Chinatown. Part one will focus on the history of the power struggle over the land. Part two will focus on the situation today.

By Shannon Vavra • December 3, 2014

Of all of Boston’s neighborhoods, Chinatown is at the highest risk of gentrification, according to a 2009 GIS analysis from Tufts’ Urban and Environmental Policy and Planning Department (UEP). One of the main reasons why Chinatown is becoming gentrified is its strained relationship with Tufts Medical Center, according to Andrew Leong, an associate professor at the College of Public and Community Service at the University of Massachusetts Boston.

“[Chinatown’s] land is being gradually consumed by two medical institutions, Tufts University Medical School and New England Medical Center,” Leong wrote in his 1997 paper, “The Struggle over Parcel C.”

Parcel C is the small plot of land in the center of the Chinatown community that the New England Medical Center, now known as Tufts Medical Center, bid on three separate times — first in 1986, then in 1988 and then again in 1993 — in an attempt to build a parking garage. Penn Loh, director of the master in public policy program and community practice in UEP at Tufts, said this effort was an example of gentrification.

“Institutional expansion is another form of gentrification that a lot of lower income communities have had to fight,” Loh said. “This is an institution expanding and essentially taking more land for its purposes at the expense of community purposes.”

According to Leong, during the decades building up to the Parcel C negotiations, the two medical centers that later combined to be Tufts Medical Center overpowered Chinatown in land disputes, ultimately claiming nearly one third of its land.

Director of Media Relations and Publications for Tufts Medical Center Julia Jette clarified the Medical Center’s relationship with Tufts.

“The Medical Center is organizationally separate from the university, and the university has its own processes and relationships with Chinatown,” Jette told the Daily in an email.

Loh explained that the medical center is very much an influence in how land is used in Chinatown.

“Where there used to be a YMCA for Chinatown … that is now a parking lot for New England Medical Center for Tufts,” Loh said. “Tufts is still a major, major player in terms of the land down there.”

The concerns about the medical center’s encroachment on the community extend to housing.

“If you keep on going on Harrison [Avenue], Tufts has built all kinds of new dorms, and it’s tucked right in next to one of the biggest affordable housing units in Chinatown, called Tai Tung [Village],” Loh said.

Tufts Medical Center’s current land use encompasses a large portion of the Chinatown community, at approximately 189,400 square feet of land with a total of 12 Tufts Medical Center-owned buildings and five leased buildings.

According to the medical center’s current Institutional Master Plan (2012-2022), one of the center’s main goals is to expand the number of inpatient beds it offers, and to operate in new buildings to enhance inpatient and outpatient care.

But Chinatown is only about 43 acres in total, and is one of the most crowded neighborhoods in Boston, according to Leong. This institutional expansion effort can only add to the problem.

Parcel C: A history

To understand Tufts Medical Center’s current relationship with Chinatown, it is necessary to look to the Parcel C struggle of the 1980s and 1990s. According to Leong, the medical center was not acting alone — the City government was complicit in moving the proposal forward, too. This institutional expansion emerged as the era of urban renewal was ending, which in Boston had resulted in the seizing of decrepit housing units in Chinatown by the Boston Redevelopment Authority (BRA) to be redeveloped and sold at higher prices.

According to Loh, this type of initiative constitutes a brand of gentrification known as market gentrification.

“In terms of gentrification or market gentrification, it’s where you have an area become more desirable to locate in. With more demand, prices for housing and for renting space go up,” he said. “People get priced out.”

In 1966, the city and the BRA decided that Tufts and New England Medical Center could have the rights to buy Parcel C, according to Leong.

In 1986, the medical center proposed the construction of a parking garage, but the Chinatown Neighborhood Council and the BRA stood up for the Chinatown community, just as community members would again in 1993, Leong said. At this point the BRA decided to hand over the title to the Quincy School Community Council in 1988.

“New England Medical Center’s reaction was swift and callous,” Leong said. “The hospital sued the Authority to stop the transfer of the Acorn Day Care building and playground.”

Instead of just one parcel of land, the medical center then gained the rights to two neighboring plots as part of a settlement outcome, according to Leong.

In 1993, when the medical center proposed the parking garage a third time, the BRA was in debt, and so supported the move. A government council ruled in favor of the medical center that March.

The Chinatown community knew, however, that this particular government council was funded by the New England Medical Center, Leong said. In a pushback against the backdoor approval process, a total of 2,500 community members registered their protest against the medical center’s encroachment on their land. Through grassroots organizing with groups like the Chinese Progressive Association (CPA), community members ultimately stopped the medical center’s proposal.

“In this case, this tells the story of a struggle that was at least over a decade if not more,” Loh said. “They defeated it, and you can see the development that was built.”

The City of Boston and the BRA worked with the community to contract a development project that brought 251 additional residential units for Chinatown residents online. Groundbreaking on the mixed-use building, called The Metropolitan, occurred in August of 2002.

Loh said that he used to work very closely with the Chinatown community on issues like this.

“Before I came to Tufts six years ago full time, I was with an environmental justice organization based in Roxbury called Alternatives for Community & Environment (ACE), and we did a lot of work partnering with Chinatown, mostly with the CPA,” Loh said. “The issues we worked on … a lot of them had to do with development and gentrification.”

According to Loh, ACE treats displacement as an injustice.

“We saw displacement as an environmental injustice issue because the communities that have stayed in city neighborhoods and fought for revitalization in periods where there was disinvestment and abandonment of those areas, these are the same folks now who are [potentially] being displaced,” Loh said.

The Chinatown community struggle over Parcel C was successful in part because the community tackled their concerns from this exact environmental angle. Greater Boston Legal Services, for example, became involved in the negotiations over the lot and required the medical center to conduct a full environmental review of the garage proposal, according to Leong.

In the meantime, the community interests won out, and by September, 1,692 votes against the garage and 42 in favor meant the Chinatown community could develop on Parcel C to advance community needs.

Government bureaucracy and gentrification

The negotiation of Parcel C is not an anomaly for the Chinatown community. Other struggles over land and development have long plagued the neighborhood, and many of Chinatown’s urban development problems can be traced back to City Hall.

“Chinatown’s … land was also taken by the building of … the Mass. Pike. That’s another example of displacement caused by government policy,” Loh said.

The federal government built the Massachusetts Turnpike and the Southeast Expressway on land in Chinatown in the 1950s and 1960s. According to the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF), the government took 1,200 housing units offline to build the two highways. This in turn caused a housing shortage, in addition to chronic traffic congestion and air pollution problems — problems which the medical center’s institutional expansion can only amplify, according to Leong.

The city has been making headway on adding housing units to the area by approving the construction of luxury apartment buildings, such as the Ritz-Carlton’s Millennium Place.

According to junior Wayne Yeh, who worked with the CPA as a Tisch Summer Fellow this year and is continuing his work with the CPA this fall, this process is pricing out Chinatown residents, not helping them.

“The biggest issue right now is that there are these luxury developments in Boston’s downtown area, that [are] affecting the cost of living in Chinatown,” Yeh said.

According to Loh, the development of luxury buildings is out of touch with the needs of the Chinatown residents, and [it] poses a threat to lower-income residents who have remained over the years.

“Even regularly wealthy people can’t afford to live [in these luxury towers],” he said.

Some, according to Loh, however, consider the addition of luxury apartment buildings as a move in the right direction for Chinatown: away from its past as the red light district of Boston.

“People say, ‘well that used to be the “Combat Zone,” and that was horrible, it was the red light district, it was seedy, there was prostitution and there were drugs,’” Loh said.

Chinatown became known as the “Combat Zone” because the city decided to concentrate and formalize the adult entertainment district right on Washington Street in 1974. This attracted drugs, prostitution and petty crime into the cultural community, according to the AALDEF.

“It was the politics of urban development, and they put the undesirable things where the immigrant populations are,” Yeh said.

Loh pointed out, however, that pricing out residents by constructing luxury apartment towers is not the solution. According to Loh, the residents who remained in Chinatown during its years as the “Combat Zone” do not deserve to suffer today from bureaucratic injustices that date back to the 1970’s.

“To me, that’s an example of environmental injustice, too, because red light districts exist because the city allows [them] to,” Loh said.

So why is the initiative going through? Yeh thinks it’s because of the land’s value.

“Once Boston finally realized they needed the land that Chinatown sits on, that land became more and more valuable, they started buying off pieces of land and building luxury development,” Yeh said. “And that’s why so many people are being pushed out.”

Part 2:

Luxury building, housing demand create significant problem for Chinatown community

This is part two of a two-part series on gentrification in Boston’s Chinatown. Part one focused on the history of the power struggle over the land and can be accessed here. Part two will focus on the situation as it stands today.

By Shannon Vavra • December 3, 2014

Tufts Medical Center’s presence in the community only adds to the demand for housing and resulting displacement of Chinatown’s lowest income residents.

Raghav Seth, LA ’12 and a first-year Tufts Medical student, told the Daily that he didn’t remember anyone suggesting he live in Chinatown during his search for housing. In fact, he said that there was a push for him to live elsewhere.

“I vaguely have this idea of being cautioned that Chinatown is expensive,” Seth said. “Seeking places in JP [Jamaica Plain] on the Orange line, [or] maybe somewhere in Cambridge or Davis — that was highly recommended.”

Seth told the Daily about the Tyler Street complex in Chinatown, where he resides.

“[There are] a few students in that complex,” he said. “There are white collar young professionals mostly. There are not a lot of people who belong to the community in Chinatown. But on the opposite side of the street those seem to be people who live in the community.”

Seth mentioned that several Tufts students also live in The Metropolitan — the same building that represents the major win over Parcel C (a plot of land in Chinatown the former New England Medical Center bid on three separate times in order to build a parking garage) for Chinatown community interests.

The Chinese Progressive Association (CPA), whose office is in the same building, declined to interview with the Daily. As part of his time at the CPA this summer, junior Wayne Yeh went door to door with a team of inspectors from the City of Boston and CPA employees to collect information on the kinds of residents living in the housing units in Chinatown and the kinds of rental agreements residents have with their landlords.

“There are more and more young, business class, single occupancy white residents,” Yeh said. “They’re coming in and taking those housing [units] … Presently the Asian American population is on a decline — Asian American families are on a decline.”

Asians represented 70 percent of Chinatown’s residents 25 years ago, and this number dropped to 46 percent by 2010, according to WGBH News.
Tufts Medical Center’s presence in the community only adds to the demand for housing and resulting displacement of Chinatown’s lowest income residents.

Raghav Seth, LA ’12 and a first-year Tufts Medical student, told the Daily that he didn’t remember anyone suggesting he live in Chinatown during his search for housing. In fact, he said that there was a push for him to live elsewhere.

“I vaguely have this idea of being cautioned that Chinatown is expensive,” Seth said. “Seeking places in JP [Jamaica Plain] on the Orange line, [or] maybe somewhere in Cambridge or Davis — that was highly recommended.”

Seth told the Daily about the Tyler Street complex in Chinatown, where he resides.

“[There are] a few students in that complex,” he said. “There are white collar young professionals mostly. There are not a lot of people who belong to the community in Chinatown. But on the opposite side of the street those seem to be people who live in the community.”

Seth mentioned that several Tufts students also live in The Metropolitan — the same building that represents the major win over Parcel C (a plot of land in Chinatown the former New England Medical Center bid on three separate times in order to build a parking garage) for Chinatown community interests.

The Chinese Progressive Association (CPA), whose office is in the same building, declined to interview with the Daily. As part of his time at the CPA this summer, junior Wayne Yeh went door to door with a team of inspectors from the City of Boston and CPA employees to collect information on the kinds of residents living in the housing units in Chinatown and the kinds of rental agreements residents have with their landlords.

“There are more and more young, business class, single occupancy white residents,” Yeh said. “They’re coming in and taking those housing [units] … Presently the Asian American population is on a decline — Asian American families are on a decline.”

Asians represented 70 percent of Chinatown’s residents 25 years ago, and this number dropped to 46 percent by 2010, according to WGBH News.

Yeh said this summer he saw some influx from the school and shared a conversation he had with a Tufts Medical School student about her reasons for living in a building that housed primarily Chinese immigrants.

“Her responses were like, ‘oh the rent is so affordable for me, it’s close to classes, I used to live in Allston, but the price got too expensive for me so I moved to Chinatown,’” Yeh said. “Juxtaposing the necessity of … people trying to survive in a community … whereas for some people it’s their option.”

According to Yeh, the group surveying heard a lot of similar stories from many immigrant residents.

“In Chinatown there’s a problem where a lot of people are being evicted … because the landlords would rather evict the immigrants and then restructure and refurbish the entire apartment and sell it or rent it out for much higher rates to Tufts Medical students,” Yeh said.

Tufts Medical Center, which is the main teaching hospital for Tufts Medical students, certainly plays a role in the demand for housing in Chinatown. According to metrics from the Tufts Medical School, of all the neighborhoods in the surrounding Boston area, 14 percent of students ultimately reside in Chinatown — the same neighborhood in Boston that, according to Tufts’ Urban and Environmental Policy and Planning Department (UEP) and Harvard Political Review, is most at risk for gentrification.

Director of Media Relations and Publications for Tufts Medical Center Julie Jette did not provide comment on whether there are any efforts underway to avoid adding to Chinatown’s gentrification, or if there are ways that students can help.

Seth told the Daily that he got in touch with the Office of Student Affairs in his search for housing.

“They gave me information on a couple of realtors and they basically get us in touch with realtors,” Seth said.

Seth found his two-bedroom unit through Craigslist with Newbury Associates, Inc./Hadco Management, however, and he told the Daily that Craigslist is a portal through which a lot of students find housing. He added that the medical school itself provides 94 rooms of on-campus housing in Posner Hall.

“That’s a great option,” he said. “That’s one big way the school helps us out.”

While Tufts Medical Center itself does not publicly provide tips on finding housing for its employees, Tufts University Medical School, which is affiliated with the medical center, and its Student Services and Campus Life web site provide some resources to aid in the housing process. Of the resources, only one mentions Chinatown as a residence option, completely omitting it as an option in the others.

Tufts Public Health and Professional Degrees Programs Office of Student Services‘ housing documents follow a similar trend — only one of its documents mentions Chinatown as a housing option. Chinatown, however, is not listed among the neighborhoods it recommends, and no average prices for apartments and studio apartments are given for Chinatown — the neighborhood that some would argue is the most affordable for students and the closest in proximity to the Medical Center.

Just as Seth was told residing in Chinatown would be expensive, students enrolling in Tufts schools associated with Tufts Medical Center are being steered away from living in Chinatown. Jette did not comment on these reports or their intentions, but the pattern suggests a move toward avoiding any contributions to Chinatown’s gentrification.

Affordable housing: Can Chinese residents remain in Chinatown?

Director of the master in public policy program and community practice in UEP at Tufts Penn Loh said there are some remedies that could make it possible for lower income residents to remain in Chinatown despite increased demand.

“The defense against that is to have housing properties that are not subject to real estate market forces,” Loh said. “So public housing is in that category — it’s publicly owned, it’s protected, it doesn’t have to increase its rents with the market … If it weren’t for the stock of publicly owned and public subsidized affordable housing, the community would not have been able to remain.”

Some affordable housing units, however, have limits on the duration of time during which they can evade market pressures.

“There are categories of publicly subsidized but privately owned housing which also fall into that category but often times those often have windows [where] a private developer … builds a private building and promise to keep it affordable for a [window of] 30 years,” Loh said.

Those windows of affordability run out, and prices can rise again, so although there are affordable housing options available to Chinese immigrant residents in Chinatown, the low prices are not a guarantee.

According to the the UEP Department, nearly eight percent of Chinatown’s housing units were at risk of losing a subsidy by 2012. Couple these limits on affordable housing with the construction of luxury apartments nearby, and conditions ideal for gentrification arise.

Yeh pointed out that even units labeled as “affordable housing” may not be affordable enough.

“‘Affordable housing’ means different things for different communities,” he said. “Developers are creating ‘affordable units’ in their housing buildings, but ‘affordable’ is so subjective without context … ‘Affordable’ in the City of Boston takes into account the median income of Central Boston — which is somewhere near $40,000-$50,000. But the median income in Chinatown is around $12,000-$15,000. So even ‘affordable’ isn’t affordable to the community.”

“The real question to ask … is whether the state and the city will allow more community housing and development that will actually strengthen the low and middle-income working class historic character of Boston Chinatown,” the Asian American Legal Defense and Education Fund (AALDEF) wrote in its 2013 publication, “Chinatown: Then and Now.”

The city and state are unlikely to push for further affordable housing developments as evidenced by plans put forth to build South Bay Tower, which would occupy 10 acres of Chinatown’s 43 acres, and stand at 800 feet, according to the AALDEF. It would surpass the tallest skyscraper in Boston, but it would be located in one of Boston’s most at-risk neighborhoods for gentrification.

It is these kinds of approvals, which date back to the 1990s, that show the city’s willingness to approve proposals that are out of touch with the needs of the Chinese immigrant community, according to Loh.

When Mayor Marty Walsh began his term this January, he initiated an independent audit into the Boston Redevelopment Authority (BRA) to expose its weak management and incompetent financial oversight. According to a June 2014 article in Boston Magazine, Walsh has inherited a broken City Hall, and for decades the BRA has ignored and made exception after exception to zoning regulations that limit the height and mass of development projects.

“Therefore, any zoning regulation or master planning process became practically meaningless,” the AALDEF wrote.

Tufts Medical Center Expansion, 2012-2022

Loh believes Tufts community relations have improved drastically over the years.

“I guess from my understanding, the relationship between Tufts New England Medical Center and the Chinatown community has evolved a lot,” he said. “There’s a lot more active relationships … they aren’t doing this kind of thing all the time the same way it happened in the 90s.”

As Tufts Medical Center moves forward with its Institutional Master Plan (IMP), the City of Boston will come to play a role in the coming years.

Although the master plan proposes expansion by 2022, Jette said that the medical center’s master plan is not slated for completion for another 15 or 20 years.

“Tufts Medical Center proposes facility updates and expansion in inpatient and outpatient settings as well as updated research facilities in the coming 15 to 20 years, but no specific projects are planned at this time,” Jette told the Daily in an email.

Jette said that the plan was developed with the input and guidance of a Chinatown community task force. Jette also said that the master plan recognizes the land and space needs of the community by committing to a future development plan within the existing footprint of the campus. The IMP states, however, that it plans to use new buildings for inpatient and outpatient care.

In other words, Boston’s Chinatown is not in the clear. Loh warned that Chinatowns across the United States are seeing immigrant communities completely disintegrate as they relocate out of Chinatowns because they are being displaced and out-priced.

“I’ve often heard that about Washington D.C.’s Chinatown,” Loh said. “There’s still a commercial center to it in terms of you can go there to go to a Chinese restaurant but there’s no Chinese immigrant community that actually lives there.”

While grassroots organizations like the CPA can coordinate community efforts to preserve the integrity of the land that Boston’s Chinatown maintains, there is only so much that grassroots organizing can do in the face of strong private interests.

“Developers are looking hungrily at Chinatown and eyeing parcels of land that they can buy from the community to develop into luxury buildings — even if that means displacing community members,” Yeh told the Daily in an email.

There is a lot that the community is up against: There are bureaucratic city efforts to build luxury towers, there are looming market pressures on the remaining affordable housing units in the area, Tufts Medical Center has projected institutional expansion over the next eight years and there is a concurrent increased demand for housing in the area. The success Chinatown community members had in preserving Parcel C for community use is fast becoming a relic of the past.

“We cannot forget that people call Chinatown home and continuously fight to remain in and reclaim their community,” Yeh told the Daily in an email. “Chinatown has a lot of bustling businesses and hundreds of visitors each day, but above all it’s a home to an immigrant community and this space has a history of being created by racism in the United States.”

Loh warned that this will have a deep and long-lasting impact on the Boston Chinese immigrant community.

“The Chinese Asian immigrant communities that relied on places like Chinatown as part of their immigration pathway into the U.S. [can’t] continue to go there because they [are] unable to afford it,” Loh said. “And there are Chinatowns across the country where that’s happened … Some have really ceased to be a place where new immigrants come.”
 

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